Europe's Competitive Squeeze: Can the EU Keep Pace With the US and China?

For much of the post-war era, Europe's economic model rested on a comfortable division of labour. The continent looked to the United States as its ultimate security guarantor, whil

For much of the post-war era, Europe's economic model rested on a comfortable division of labour. The continent looked to the United States as its ultimate security guarantor, while tapping into China's vast manufacturing base for inexpensive consumer goods. That arrangement delivered decades of relative prosperity and allowed European governments to channel resources into generous welfare systems rather than defence budgets.

That bargain is now under mounting strain. Europe finds itself trailing both the US and China on a range of competitiveness measures, and the pressures are no longer abstract. They are showing up in trade disputes, supply chain vulnerabilities, and an increasingly uncertain security environment.

The transatlantic relationship, long considered the anchor of European foreign and economic policy, is being tested by a series of thorny disagreements. Tariffs, defence spending obligations, and even the future of Greenland have emerged as points of friction between Washington and its European allies. The cumulative effect has been a steady erosion of the trust that once made the alliance a predictable cornerstone of global affairs.

On the other side of the equation, China's dominance over critical supply chains and raw materials continues to leave Europe exposed. From rare earth minerals essential to advanced manufacturing to the components that power the green energy transition, Beijing holds leverage that European policymakers have struggled to offset. Any disruption to those flows could ripple through European industry with little warning.

The recent meeting between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping underscored Europe's awkward position. The two leaders sat down together, but European representatives were notably absent from the room. Even so, the decisions reached in that encounter carry direct consequences for the continent, a reminder that Europe's economic fate is often shaped by powers it does not control.

Europe is not without cards to play. Its single market of 450 million consumers represents one of the world's largest and most affluent trading blocs, giving Brussels substantial regulatory and commercial clout when it chooses to wield it. Access to that market remains a prized objective for companies and governments around the globe.

Yet leverage alone does not close a competitiveness gap. Bridging the distance between Europe and its rivals would require reforms that are politically difficult and financially costly. Labour market rigidities, high energy prices, fragmented capital markets, and slow adoption of new technologies have all been cited as drags on European productivity.

Massive investment would also be needed, particularly in areas such as artificial intelligence, semiconductors, clean energy, and defence manufacturing. The scale of that spending dwarfs what most individual European governments can muster on their own, raising the question of whether joint borrowing or deeper fiscal integration might be necessary.

Defence spending has become an especially urgent concern. Washington has repeatedly pressed European NATO members to shoulder a larger share of the burden, and the war in Ukraine has made the consequences of underinvestment painfully clear. Meeting those commitments while simultaneously funding industrial policy and social programmes presents European capitals with an uncomfortable trade-off.

Tariffs add another layer of complexity. Protectionist moves from the US threaten key European export sectors, while China's own trade practices have prompted accusations of dumping and unfair subsidies. Caught between two economic giants, Europe must navigate a path that protects its industries without retreating into isolationism.

The timing of these challenges is far from ideal. Global inflation, rising borrowing costs, and volatile energy markets have already strained European households and businesses. Adding a competitiveness crisis on top of those pressures risks fuelling political instability and undermining support for the very reforms that are needed.

Some analysts argue that Europe's response must be comprehensive rather than piecemeal. Piecemeal fixes, they contend, will not be enough to reverse decades of relative decline. A coordinated strategy spanning trade, industrial policy, energy, defence, and innovation would be required to restore the continent's standing.

Others point out that Europe's strengths should not be underestimated. Its skilled workforce, strong institutions, commitment to the rule of law, and high living standards remain considerable assets. The challenge is translating those advantages into dynamism in an era defined by rapid technological change and geopolitical rivalry.

What is clear is that the era of relying on others for security and cheap goods is drawing to a close. Europe must decide whether it can summon the political will and financial resources to compete on its own terms, or whether it will continue to watch from the sidelines as the US and China shape the rules of the global economy.

The answer will not come quickly. But the pressures bearing down on the continent suggest that the question of European competitiveness is no longer a matter for debates among economists. It has become a central test of the continent's influence, prosperity, and place in the world.

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Hendra Wijaya

Editor Politik. Mantan jurnalis cetak dengan spesialisasi politik elektoral. Menulis analisis kebijakan dan reportase parlemen.

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