Yemen's Government Launches Major Offensive Against Houthis: What's Different This Time?

Yemen's internationally recognized government has launched a significant military operation aimed at reversing recent Houthi territorial gains and ultimately reclaiming areas the Iran-backed group has controlled for over a decade. The operation, dubbed "Dawn of Yemen," was announced on Monday by the country's leadership, with the stated goal of restoring state authority across the entire nation.

The immediate objective of the offensive is to push back Houthi forces from positions they captured last month, including the strategically vital Bab al-Mandeb Strait—one of the world's most critical maritime chokepoints connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden. The Houthis, also known as Ansar Allah, seized control of this waterway in September, giving them leverage over international shipping routes.

Beyond the short-term goal of reclaiming the Red Sea coast, the operation's broader ambition is far more sweeping: to retake all Houthi-held territories, including the capital Sanaa. The Houthis captured Sanaa by force in 2014 and subsequently established their own governing authority, plunging the country into a civil war that has drawn in regional powers and caused one of the world's worst humanitarian crises.

While the ultimate objective remains distant, the government's recent military activities represent its most organized effort to date. The offensive has so far achieved only limited territorial gains near Bab al-Mandeb, but analysts note that the operation's execution differs markedly from previous attempts, particularly compared to the government's collapse and loss of the Red Sea coast just last month.

The September losses exposed serious weaknesses within anti-Houthi forces. These included a lack of coordination among the various groups fighting the Houthis, inadequate military preparation, and what analysts have described as Houthi infiltration of government forces' communication networks. Whether these systemic problems have been addressed remains unclear, but the Houthis' failure to secure the highlands overlooking their newly conquered southern Red Sea territories has left them exposed to counterattacks.

One of the most significant factors distinguishing this offensive is the direct involvement of Saudi Arabia, which has provided substantial aerial support. On Monday, the Saudi-led coalition backing the Yemeni government disclosed that 100 fighter jets participated in the operation—the first official acknowledgment in four years, since a 2022 truce, that it had resumed airstrikes against the Houthis. This confirmation came despite earlier reports of Saudi strikes in September.

The air campaign has supported government ground forces across multiple fronts beyond the Red Sea coast, including in Taiz, Marib, and al-Jawf governorates. Maged al-Madhaji, chairman of the Sana'a Center for Strategic Studies, told Al Jazeera that both the "rate and accuracy" of the airstrikes have exceeded previous levels, even when compared to the beginning of the Saudi-led coalition's bombing campaign in 2015.

The effectiveness of these strikes has been enhanced by intelligence-sharing with the United States. A US official confirmed to Al Jazeera on Monday that 200 American advisers are stationed in Saudi Arabia to support the campaign. This coordination has allowed for more precise targeting and better synchronization between air power and ground operations.

Elias Hanna, a retired Lebanese general, emphasized that this level of coordination indicates a unified command structure, which he described as essential for military success. He explained that a central leadership managing operations and ensuring coordination between ground and air forces is critical because airstrikes alone cannot hold territory—ground forces must occupy and control the areas after bombardment. Hanna added that US expertise has essentially provided an "intelligence bank" of targets, enabling repeated and effective strikes against Houthi positions.

Another key development in this offensive has been the prominent combat role played by the Giants Brigades. This force, previously trained by the United Arab Emirates and now backed by Saudi Arabia, had been present during the September losses but in smaller numbers. This time, the Giants Brigades are leading the battle along the Red Sea coast and in Taiz's al-Waziyah district, which overlooks the port city of Mocha.

The Giants Brigades have a track record of success against the Houthis. In 2022, they defeated Houthi forces in Shabwah, driving them out of the southeastern coastal governorate, as well as from parts of Marib and al-Bayda, east of Sanaa. According to al-Madhaji, this force is the most experienced in countering Houthi fighting methods because they have engaged the group across diverse theaters of operation, including both flat and mountainous terrain.

Al-Madhaji noted that this operation marks the first time Saudi operational management has combined with forces formerly under Emirati command to produce effective results. He suggested this indicates that the operations room has become unified and that coordination between different anti-Houthi factions has improved significantly—a critical shift from the disarray that characterized previous efforts.

The offensive represents a notable turnaround from early September, when government forces appeared on the verge of collapse. The question now is whether the improved coordination, heavier air support, and renewed international backing will be enough to sustain momentum and translate limited gains into a broader reversal of Houthi territorial control. For now, the government's ability to maintain its offensive posture and build on initial successes will be closely watched by regional and international observers alike.